Arguably usul al-fiqh has existed by virtue of necessity for as long as fiqh has. There can be no fiqh in the absence of its related sources and derivational methodologies. The relationship between these distinct disciplines is comparable to that of grammar and language with usul setting out standard criteria for the correct deduction of rules of fiqh from its sources. Thus both disciplines have accompanied one another by necessity from the outset Kamali 1991. However, the codification of fiqh preceded that of usul. In the early Islamic era, there was not an impetus to codify usul al-fiqh. Whilst the Prophet may Allah's peace and blessings be upon him was alive he provided guidance and solutions to problems through divine revelation and direct rulings. Following his death when novel situations presented themselves the companions performed ijtihaad with reference to the divine sources without a pressing need to explicitly detail their methodology. Their authoritativeness in this respect can be attributed to their exalted position as the direct recipients of prophetic teachings which cultivated within them a unique intimacy to the sources and intrinsic mastery of derivation. Their successors. Tabi un was able to similarly carry out ijtihaad without prompting a need to explicate their methodology Nadwi 1999. During and following the latter period of this generation however, the expansion of the territorial domain of Islam gave rise to new challenges. The mixing of Arabs and non-Arabs diluted the Arabic language new realities requiring the exercise of ijtihaad increased and there was the emergence of increasing variance and disputation in juristic thought. The divergent legal opinions could be traced geographically as a result of the scattered dissemination of Ahadith and legal judgments of the companions.
It is difficult to imagine a contemporary equivalent to Christopher Marlowe's choice of fourteenth century. Turk warlord as a subject for popular entertainment. The historical Timur had no immediate impact on English culture or history. Those English texts that had taken an interest in historical Muslims had more often than not described figures like Timur as barbarous and bloodthirsty princes of darkness, associated with tyranny, terror and the antichrist. In taking up the story of a long passed Muslim conqueror Marlowe tapped into commercial and diplomatic interests in Asian, Near Eastern and Northern African markets, as well as anxieties over the cultural exchanges accompanying such ventures. English joint-stock companies in the last quarter of the sixteenth century were exploring trade in precisely those areas of North Africa and the Levant that Marlowe's Tamburlaine plays traverse. The English were eager to expand their economy but concerned too with maintaining their standing in what Sir Thomas. More referred to as the common corps of Christendom.
